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Englanders and Huns: The Culture-Clash which Led to the First World War, by James Hawes
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A completely fresh look at the culture clash between Britain and Germany that all but destroyed Europe.
Half a century before 1914, most Britons saw the Germans as poor and rather comical cousins - and most Germans looked up to the British as their natural mentors. Over the next five decades, each came to think that the other simply had to be confronted - in Europe, in Africa, in the Pacific and at last in the deadly race to cover the North Sea with dreadnoughts.
But why? Why did so many Britons come to see in Germany everything that was fearful and abhorrent? Why did so many Germans come to see any German who called dobbel fohltwhile playing Das Lawn Tennisas the dupe of a global conspiracy?
Packed with long-forgotten stories such as the murder of Queen Victoria's cook in Bohn, the disaster to Germany's ironclads under the White Cliffs, bizarre early colonial clashes and the precise, dark moment when Anglophobia begat modern anti-Semitism, this is the fifty-year saga of the tragic, and often tragicomic, delusions and miscalculations that led to the defining cataclysm of our times - the breaking of empires and the womb of horrors, the Great War. Richly illustrated with the words and pictures that formed our ancestors' disastrous opinions, it will forever change the telling of this fateful tale.
- Sales Rank: #2348711 in Books
- Published on: 2015-01-29
- Released on: 2015-01-29
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 7.80" h x .5" w x 5.12" l, .78 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 448 pages
About the Author
James Hawes is a former professional archaeologist and university lecturer in German, Doctor of German literature in the lead-up to WW1, novelist and Kafka biographer.
Most helpful customer reviews
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
The long history of Anglophobia and Germanophobia
By Ralph Blumenau
The unfamiliar thesis of this stimulating book is that the deep popular antagonism which contributed to war between England and Germany in 1914 can be traced all the way back to 1864.
Hawes has trawled the British press and British guide-books to Germany in the 1860s and quotes lavishly from condescending comments about the primitive Germans and their many petty princelings. (As late as 1888, The Observer described the Prussian dynasty as “paltry”!) There is nothing about the admiration felt for German culture by intellectuals such as Coleridge, Carlyle, George Eliot, Thomas and Matthew Arnold, and only a brief reference later on to English admiration of the German educational system.
The German liberals, for their part, initially admired England for her national unity, her liberal democracy, her immense wealth in part created by her merchant navy, her warships and her empire, and thought they could do no better than to achieve these things for themselves. The German liberals - not the Junkers! - had clamoured for a German navy since 1848. Their admiration turned to anger when Britain (impotently) took the Danish side in the 1864 dispute over Schleswig-Holstein, an attitude they interpreted as denying Germans the ports and coasts of that territory. Hawes makes this episode not only the beginning of the popular animosity of the Germans against England, but also shows how brilliantly Bismarck’ press exploited it to win the liberals round to his side. The British were ashamed at their impotence, and the Germans saw Britain, for the first time, as a mangy toothless old lion. Disraeli, from the opposition benches, declared that “in the face of German warmongering, what was needed was a thorough understanding between England, France and Russia”! Queen Victoria valued her family links with the Germans (though privately she described the Prussians at that time (1865) as “odious people”) but public opinion emphatically did not. That year the unpunished murder by an aristocratic member of a Prussian duelling fraternity of a cook in the service of the Queen’s son Prince Alfred led to a British press campaign against Prussia in general and against Bismarck in particular.
England was neutral in the Austro-Prussian War of 1866 and the Franco-Prussian war of 1870/71 (though the German press was indignant that free trade England allowed arms manufacturers to sell arms to the French); but after the dramatic German victories, the British press ceased to be condescending towards Germany and instead expressed fear of her brutal aggression and expansionism. A British novel called “The Battle of Dorking” (1871), envisioning the successful invasion and defeat of England, became a sensational best-seller. And hostile condescension towards Britain now dominated the German press.
For a short time the anti-Germanism of the British press went into reverse as Bismarck apparently embarked on German liberalism, free trade, and a campaign against Catholic clericalism. On the other hand, when in 1875 Bismarck floated in the German press the idea of a preventative war against a recovering France, Prime Minister Disraeli contributed to forcing Bismarck to abandon that idea, and Bismarck’s hostile feelings towards England - and to the English-born Crown Princess of Germany - were further inflamed. When over-speculation led to the spectacular crash of 1873, German industry clamoured for the abandonment of Free Trade, which was now described as unpatriotic Manchestertum. The most hate-filled preacher against England was the influential historian and Reichstag deputy Heinrich von Treitschke (who would, in an article of 1879 set the fashion for linking Anglophobia with antisemitism).
After their victory over France, Germany began to build up a fleet of warships - that is long before the first of Tirpitz’s Navy Laws in 1898. Already in 1875 Germany built seven iron-clads when Britain was producing only five (though of course the British navy still had numerical superiority).
In the months leading up to the Congress of Berlin of 1878, when it looked as if England would go to war with Russia over the Eastern Question, the Bismarck-controlled press was at is most abusive towards England. And in 1878 three German battleships steamed past Folkestone as a show of strength (unfortunately so close to each other that one of them rammed another and sank her!)
This hostility between England and Germany is usually ignored in the more general history books; and so these do not show what a sudden volte-face Bismarck executed when, at the Congress, “the honest broker” sided with England and Austria against the Russians - Hawes’ explanation and analysis of this is one I have never seen before. But then the election victory of Gladstone and the Liberals in 1880 brought this very brief period of rapprochement between Germany and England to a halt.
The German liberals had long wanted an empire like that of Britain, and in 1879 they established a trading post at Angra Pequena, in Namibia and flew the German flag there. The British claimed to have established their sovereignty there “in 1867 or 1868". Bismarck was not really interested in an overseas empire; but he used this incident to embarrass the Anglophile Crown Prince Frederick, whose succession to his 87 year old father Bismarck dreaded. So Bismarck proclaimed a Protectorate over Angra Peqena in 1884 and in the same year proclaimed a protectorate over Douala in the Cameroons. (This was followed by the Berlin (“Congo”) Conference of 1884/5 in which a number of colonial issues in West and East Africa between Britain, France, Germany and Belgium were resolved. Curiously Haws makes only one single fleeting, unexplained and unchronological reference to the Treaty that emerged from that conference.)
The Crown Prince would rule as Emperor for only 100 days before his death. The new Emperor, William II, had a love-hate relationship with England. At first, with Bismarck gone, it seemed that, to the irritation of German public opinion, love would prevail: in 1890 there was an amicable arrangement for the Germans to drop their penetration to East Africa in exchange for Britain to let Germany have Heligoland.
After the Franco-Russian alliance of 1894, William wanted a formal alliance between Britain and Germany. When Salisbury declined, the Kaiser clumsily tried to force the issue by showing that Germany could be nasty. (One of the Anglophobe images of Britain was that she was too craven to fight.) So he expressed his support for Kruger, the Transvaal leader, by sending two warships to the region in 1894. After the Kruger Telegram of 1895, Britain responded by sending a stronger fleet, which Germany could not match, to West and East Africa. This humiliation led to the determination of the Kaiser to build up a much larger navy, and the Tirpitz Navy Laws were the result, to the delight of the increasingly powerful industrial and commercial interests who had for the last forty years been clamouring for a navy and an empire. The naval arms race began.
The German press indulged in a paroxysm of hatred for Britain during the Boer War. The Kaiser was attacked for not being anti-British enough. Even sport had become controversial in Germany: while many Germans admired British sport and adopted its English vocabulary, there were press campaigns them as foreign - the true German was to go in for athletics instead.
Hawes does not mention the three vain attempts that were made in 1898, 1899 and 1901 by the British and German governments to negotiate an alliance: they broke down because the Germans refused to reduce their navy-building programme; but Hawes also shows that by now such an alliance would have been violently unpopular with the public of both countries. Instead, Britain made an Entente with France and then even one with Russia - and the countdown to the First World War had effectively begun.
The Anglophobe and Germanophobe materials Hawes has assiduously collected present an overwhelming picture that, in an age when the popular press had become so powerful, public opinion in both countries did much to push them towards the showdown of 1914. I have to give it five stars, even though I suspect that it would be possible to collect a fair amount of material of mutual respect and admiration. There is hardly any trace of that in this book. But it is a tremendous read, very illuminating about the political forces in Germany, full of little-known incidents and unfamiliar connections (between Anglophobia and antisemitism, for example), witty, richly illustrated with cartoons (though the writing on them is often too small to read) and with texts somewhat unnecessarily reproduced in their original fonts.
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